Edwardian paranoia

The Edwardian era was an unsettling time for Britain.

Queen Victoria had died, and with her the certainties of the late Victorian era. People were unsure of what, exactly, was Britain’s place in the world, and if there would be a war.

And you see this reflected in the popular fiction of the time. One trope was ‘invasion fiction’, such as Erskine Childers’ Riddle in the Sands, a variant on espionage fiction where some dastardly foreign power, usually Germany (after all Britain was locked in a naval arms race with Germany, as expensive and deadly as the later Soviet US arms race), was going to mount a sneaky invasion and overwhelm an incompetent and bumbling British government, and square jawed chaps would have to take it on themselves to do something about it.

And in the Edwardian era Britain, fearing attack, made alliances.

First with France, despite lingering suspicions dating back to the Napoleonic era, not to mention some more recent colonial disputes, but at least they could agree that Germany was a threat to them both.

Britain’s other ally was Imperial Russia, the third member of the triple entente.

Russia was a nasty repressive autocratic state.

People disappeared, people were sent in exile to Siberia, but yet there was money to be made as the Russian economy was beginning to boom, new factories, a new middle class, railways to be built, and so on.

At the same time there were all these escapees from Russia. Some were poor Jews fleeing persecution, some were equally poor political dissidents choosing life in the East End of London over internal exile, or worse a labour camp somewhere in the trackless wastes of Siberia.

Tolerated, Edwardian Britain was quite liberal in allowing dissidents and exiles in, something that was recognised by at least some of the exile groups, including the RSDLP, the forerunner of the Bolsheviks. The RSDLP, who were appreciative of being able to hold their congresses in exile with minimal interference by the authorities actually went out of their way to avoid being involved in any violent activity in Britain.

After all, they might need somewhere to escape to if the revolution didn’t play out the way they expected.

And the Okhrana, the Tsar’s secret police, were in England as well, sometimes co-operating with the British police, sometimes carrying out what the KGB later called мокрые делы – wet jobs – assassinations, and sometimes, especially after Sidney Street and the Houndsditch murders, with the connivance of the authorities.

There were of course other sorts of dissidents, ones like Sergei Stepniak, who was a gentleman, who spoke nicely about literature and art, quite unlike these strange slightly frightening men with strong accents and and their talk of violence and revolution, and who attracted groups of supporters such as the Friends of Russian Freedom. (While its helpful to think of the various factions within the dissident community as separate groupings there was a continuum – Fanny Stepniak, Sergei Stepniak’s widow helped organise Lenin’s 1907 RSDLP congress in London.)

And some of these supporters helped the dissidents by smuggling banned books and pamphlets into Russia.

Constance Garnett did so, and was so frightened by the experience she dumped all the material she was smuggling and escaped back to Britain as quickly as possible.

Russia was a frightening place where frightening, violent, things happened.

And this was reflected in the espionage fiction of the time. Hence novels like Tom Bevan’s Runners of Contraband, a tale of smuggling forbidden books and other material into Russia.

It’s probably not great fiction, but just as during the cold war bookshops always had a shelf or two of espionage fiction, it’s a symptom of how Russia was viewed by the Edwardians…

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Romanian army buttons from world war one

Over ten years ago, before we moved to Beechworth, I became fascinated by the provenance of the old Krupp 75 mm gun outside the RSL.

It didn’t have an Ottoman cipher, or a German or Austro Hungarian crest but instead the cipher of Carol I of Romania

The defining characteristic is the crown, a representation of the Steel crown of Romania.

The question is of course, how did a 75mm gun made by Krupp in 1905 for Romania end up Beechworth as a war trophy, as after all, Romania was on the side of the Entente in World War I.

The story is both simple and complex, so we’ll go for the simple version, but even that requires a recap on the history of the Balkans prior to World War One.

After participating in the Balkan wars that led to the Ottoman presence in Europe being reduced to a rump around Edirne, Romania initially stayed neutral in the First World War, unlike Bulgaria which sided with the Central Powers and Serbia, who sided with the Entente.

Bulgaria had been unhappy with the division of Ottoman territory between itself and Serbia as a result of the first Balkan war, and had then fought Serbia in the second Balkan war in the hope of gaining more of what is now Northern Macedonia.

Bulgarian participation in the First World war was really an attempt to ensure that if Austria Hungary defeated Serbia, it would be able to claim more of Macedonia.

And this is where the story gets tricky. Bear with me, people have written PhD theses on this, but we also need to discuss the Eastern Front and the Russian army in World War I.

There’s a view that during the First World War the Imperial Russian army simply wasn’t very good, and that Russia was too underdeveloped to produce the sheer amount of ammunition required by the army, and that eventually the rank and file got pissed off and went home to spread revolution and anarchy.

That’s not actually true.

It’s true that in the north against the German forces the Russian army was unsuccessful, but against Austria Hungary it was a different story, advancing to the edge of the Carpathians, and occupying Austro Hungarian cities such as Lemberg (now Lviv in the west of the Ukraine).

It’s also the case that in the early stages of the war all sides found they had underestimated the amount of ammunition required and had problems with supply. While the Gallipoli landings are sometimes presented as an attempt to seize the Dardanelles and Constantinople, to allow the resupply of the Russian army via Odessa (now Odesa), in truth, it was just as much about allowing Russian wheat exports via the Black Sea to help feed Britain and France.

By the time of the Brusilov offensive in 1916 the Russian army had all the military supplies they needed and it looked very much like they were about to break the Austro Hungarian army, so much so that Germany panicked and diverted scarce troops from the Western front to the Carpathian front to stiffen the Austro Hungarian forces.

At the same time Romania saw this as an opportunity to reclaim Transylvania from Austria Hungary and sided with the Entente and attempted to seize Transylvania from the Hungarians.

With Bulgarian attacks in the south and German forces advancing through Transylvania, the war didn’t go Romania’s way, and not even the Kerensky offensive of 1917 when post February Revolution Russia managed to assemble an army and push back against the combined German and Austro Hungarian forces, saved them and they were forced to sue for peace.

The Krupp gun, along with others, were seized by the occupying German forces, and passed to the Ottomans who had previously bought a lot of the same artillery piece from Germany, and was captured by Australia forces somewhere in what was then Palestine.

Quite a story.

It’s not the only Romanian gun on display in Australia – there are a few others, along with some Ottoman Krupp 75mm guns including the one nearby on the war memorial in Chiltern.

But there’s always been something that puzzled me. Romanian coins from the period used a different crown

Romania 1905 5 Bani

And then I came across an online antique dealer in Bulgaria who had some Romanian uniform buttons from the period of the Balkan wars and World War I. I checked out the dealer on line and they appeared to have a good reputation.

The buttons came with a partial provenance, suggesting that they were legitimately acquired – I’m guessing from a metal detectorist or field walker.

And there they were – any gilding has long gone and the buttons look to have been cleaned – and again the Romanian Steel crown is used, and not the other crown which was used on coins of the period suggesting that the Steel Crown was used as the Romanian army logo. If I was more anally retentive than I am I would search for other examples of its use by the Romanian military, but I’m happy with the army buttons as confirmation. (Just to confuse matters, some German regiments used buttons in a very similar design with the Prussian crown – it would be possible to go slightly mad comparing images on ebay and etsy)

So, there we have it, the crown used on the Krupp cannon is the same as that used on Romanian army uniforms of the period and something that to me, at least, closes the mystery of the provenance of the Beechworth gun and the crown used in the cipher…

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Technology and me in 2025

Most years I do a post recording how my personal use of technology over the year.

Looking back at last year’s post, I can see there’s been a few changes but perhaps not as many as you might expect.

The major event affecting my use of technology was not the end of Windows 10, but my finally coming to the end of my documentation projects for the National Trust. My guerilla cataloguing exercise for the Athenaeum doesn’t require so much in the way of equipment – a laptop, a camera, and a scratchpad seems to cover it, along with the beanbags and some of bits a pieces out of my work kit.

Almost, I have occasionally documented artefacts up at the Athenaeum, most recently some nineteenth century tools leant to us as part of an exhibition, and when doing so I’ve reused the tweaked methodology I used down at Lake View.

I’m still using my old Windows 10 Thinkpad for the cataloguing exercise – after all, all I need is a browser but I’m mindful of the fact that technology creep may break things I’ve already configured a refurbished Windows 11 Acer Travelmate ready to use as a substitute cataloguing machine.

The only reason I havn’t changed over is that I like the slightly larger screen on the Thinkpad, but I should probably bite the bullet and change.

Talking of larger screens I had a win, successfully installing Ubuntu on J’s old iMac which has given me a big screen device for looking at images, which, coupled with the recycled workbench I put together mid year, has made the whole business of transcriptions and the like much easier than before.

And while I’m talking about installing linux on things, I successfully installed linux on an old Chromebook I’d picked up cheaply with the intention of using it as a distraction free writing machine.

My initial purchase of the Chromebook wasn’t one of my better decisions, I managed to pick a model that was too far out of updates to be truly useful, so nothing ventured, nothing gained I had a go at installing linux on it and have ended up with a robust little writing machine that’s proved incredibly useful with its excellent battery life.

The original distraction free machine continues to live on as a second documentation machine – it’s battery life isn’t quite as good as the Chromebook, but having rather more in the way of storage adding extra software when required is not a problem, unlike the Chromebook which is pretty tight for free space.

At the same time I installed linux on my old AMD Ryzen based laptop – I’d originally planned on using Bunsen Labs Linux on it, but the screen had an annoying flicker. Changing to Ubuntu was better but not perfect, but after some digging I located some Lenovo drivers for Ubuntu and that fixed the problem.

The machine now sits happily on my recycled workbench.

Somehow, I seem to have ended up with rather more linux machines than is totally sane, and it’s probably time for a cull, especially given that I’ll doubtless be moving my remaining Windows 10 machines to linux sometime in 2026.

On the other hand they all have their uses, as I found when I discovered that the old laptop I’d put in the studio before we turned into a shared workspace still had a working CD drive allowing me to recover data from an old CD for J.

As for the rest, I’m still using the Lenovo Ideapad I bought back in 2022, principally as a machine to take away with me on an overnight trip. Battery life is still good, and the ability to use it in tablet mode saves having to take an extra device with me. The only problem is the lack of ports, and if there’s going to be any photography involved I either take the HP laptop I bought for our 2024 Tasmania trip or a linux based laptop.

Much to my regret, I have ditched my old pandemic era Huawei tablet – even though the hardware was still reliable it was too far out of software updates to support the current versions of the applications I use.

I still have a soft spot for Android tablets though and replaced it with one from Honor that works well and does the job

At the same time I ditched the dogfood tablet. Basically after nearly five years of use it was too old, too slow, but had done its job and done it well. At the time being I’m using the little Lenovo M8 I bought last year as an e-reader among other things and that’s working out well.

So, as regards hardware it’s been a year of incremental change, as I expect next year will be, with more linux and fewer machines (possibly).

I did make some changes to my use of social media despite having sworn off it a couple of years ago.

I rejoined Facebook because a lot of local history societies use it as a means for communication, and there was material out there I wanted to take a look at. In the month or so I’ve been back on Facebook it’s been useful, even though I’m still mostly lurking.

At the same time I joined pixelfed as a way of sharing photos that wasn’t Instagram, and that’s also working out well.

So there we have it. No dramatic changes, a few successes, and perhaps a bit more linux than last year …

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The disappearance of the long s from handwriting

The long s (ſ) and its disappearance from handwriting is a bit of a mystery to me.

Printers had more or less abandoned its use at the beginning of the nineteenth century, although it continued to continued to be used in the Sydney Gazette as late as 1814.

However, by 1816 it was gone, and the typography followed modern usage.

Handwriting was a different matter though.

When my great^n grandfather was born in 1814, the parish clerk recording the event used a long s. Jane Austen also used a long s on occasions in her writing, so we could plausibly argue that when people wrote letters and official documents, they used the long s.

It would be entirely natural to find that people who had learned to write using the long s would continue to do out of habit long after printers had dropped its use, especially if they were frequent correspondents.

So when did the handwritten long s drop out of use?

Short answer is I don’t know. I’d say probably around 1830, and certainly there’s some evidence to support the idea that it was much less commonly used by then.

Fanny Owen, when she wrote to Charles Darwin in 1831 before his departure on the Beagle, appears not to have used it, nor did Florence Nightingale or Madeleine Smith.

Fanny Owen is the most interesting example – Florence Nightingale and Madeleine Smith were born in 1820 and 1835 respectively, which would have meant that by the time they were learning to write, the long s had dropped out of use in printed books, but Fanny Mostyn Owen was born in 1806, which suggests that she would have learned to write in the early 1810’s, at a time when the long s was still in use, but may no longer have been taught in books of penmanship.

And this leads me to an interesting little puzzle – I was looking at a Facebook page from the East Yorkshire archives that included a recipe for mouthwash tentatively dated to some time around 1890

and there, in the second line is the word glass written as glaſs.

Obviously the dating could be wrong and the document could have been written well before 1890, and the person writing it could have learned to write using the long s even though by the time the document was written it was no longer in common usage.

And while I’m prepare to stick to 1830 (±5) for when it dropped out of common usage, there’s evidence that the handwritten long s was still in use in 1842

suggesting that some people were still using the long s in correspondence in the 1840’s, although the author could conceivably have been old enough to have learned to write using the long s.

Likewise in the course of researching this blog post I looked at one of Wilkie Collins’ letters from 1860, and towards the bottom of the letter there is the phrase Miss Halcombe’s Dream which looks to have been written Miſs Halcombe’s Dream

Wilkie Collins was born in 1825, meaning that he would be of an age where one would have expected him to have learned to write without using the long s.

It could of course simply be a slip of the pen, or it could genuinely be a long s. One example does not a usage make.

I think I might have found myself a little problem to worry out …

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An unused Queen Victoria letter card

I’ve picked up rather a nice example of an unused UK Queen Victoria letter card – which we can date to somewhere between 1892 when they were first introduced to sometime shortly after 1901 when she died and the existing stock had run down.

Quite like the very formal Victorian warning on the back about how additional postage must be attached if it was being sent to an overseas address …

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Letter cards

Over the past year or so I’ve developed a slow burn fascination with late Victorian and Edwardian postcards.

I don’t simply collect them, when I get a new one I try my hand at transcribing the card and trying to trace the addressees.

It sounds voyeuristic, and perhaps it is, but it allows me to practice my family history research skills as well as my ability to read late nineteenth century handwriting.

I’m not a regular collector by any means, only buying four or five a year, but I do spend some time scouring ebay and etsy for interesting looking examples.

And in the process of looking for postcards to transcribe, I occasionally come across items described as letter cards

So what were letter cards?

First issued by the Belgian post office in 1882, they consisted of a sheet of postcard weight card which was prefolded and had a line of adhesive around the edge that gave you an area slightly smaller than a standard sheet of Victorian era writing paper – about one and a half times the size of an A6 page today -on which to write your message. You then sealed the card and posted it.

The recipient then tore round the perforation to open the card and read the message.

The principal advantages of the letter card, as opposed to a post card were that they were private and you could send a longer message. The disadvantage was that they cost as much to send as an ordinary letter.

In Australia, the Victorian Post Office was the first to issue them in 1889, three years before the United Kingdom in 1892.

Letter cards were never terribly popular as they didn’t offer any real advantage over a standard letter, but they clung on as an item of postal stationery until the late seventies, or perhaps early eighties.

One advantage was that if you needed to send a letter and didn’t have stamps, paper and envelopes to hand you could buy a letter card from a post office, write your message and drop them in the mail.

I remember using one myself in the very late seventies during a cycling trip round the Western Isles of Scotland when I missed a ferry due to mechanical trouble and had to write to a friend to reschedule a catch-up on the way back and ask them to buy me a couple of spare inner tubes and a new tyre.

Nowadays it would be a text message or an email.

I’ve come across so few examples on collectors’ websites, that unlike postcards, I’ve no real picture in my mind of how they were used in the early part of the twentieth century.

There’s some evidence that they were used by members of the AIF to send messages home during world war one (and perhaps also world war two), but I havn’t been able as yet to find any definitive record of their use on a regular basis.

Certainly, being made of card they would have been as easy for the military postal service to handle as a field postcard, but would have provided service men a way of sending a private or intimate message, although the military censors might have had something to say about that….

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The Featherstone riots of 1893

This past few months I’ve been researching the interconnections between various translators of nineteenth century Russian novels, radical Russian exiles and the birth of the socialist movement in England.

Along the way we’ve had a diversion or two, such as the unlikely story of a pair of English anarchists cycling all the way to Yasnaya Polyana to meet with Tolstoy (spoiler – they didn’t), and possible connections via the utopian side of the English socialist movement and the rather more serious business of RSDLP meeting in exile in 1907.

However, so far I havn’t really investigated a darker side of the growth of the socialist movement in the north of England.

At the end of September in 1893 a group of anarchists (which basically meant socialists and other left leaning people) started having noisy public meetings at Ardwick Green in Manchester, which annoyed the local vicar.

At first the police were conciliatory and offered them an alternative location for their meetings.

The anarchists refused and the meeting was quite violently broken up by the police led by Detective Inspector Caminada who broke his umbrella while whacking one of the anarchists.

The fight was reported in various local newspapers at the time, and while blows were certainly exchanged, it seems no worse, and no more significant than a pub fight on a Saturday night.

Various of the anarchists were arrested, who included Alf Barton, later to become associated with the Independent Labour party and the co-operative movement.

In Caminada’s account of the trial, he mentions that one of the anarchists, as well as being fined, had to pay towards the replacement of Caminada’s umbrella, likened it to the Featherstone miners having to pay for the bullets used against them.

Now I actually know Featherstone. It’s a hard scrabble former mining town in West Yorkshire on the outside of Wakefield that nowadays is principally famous for its rugby league side.

But it has a dark secret.

It’s the last town in England where the army was used to fire on striking miners.

Now you might think that this happened during the pull plug riots of the 1840s, but no, it happened much later, in September 1893.

In 1893 the price of coal collapsed due to cheap imports and an oversupply of domestically mined coal.

The mine owners sought to preserve their profits by cutting wages, reducing hours worked, and sacking miners. Needless to say, this did not play well with the miners.

In Featherstone the miners were blockading one of the pits in the town, and the police were called to disperse them and allow the coal wagons to come and go.

It turned into a fight and barrels of tar and oil were set on fire and stones were thrown at the police, who retaliated by charging the crowd, with little or no effect. The police were under strength as several officers had been transferred to Doncaster to help police the St Leger horse race.

Fearing an attempt to burn down the pit buildings the riot act was read and the army called at the request of the pit owner.

The army were supposed to fire over the heads of the strikers, but instead fired into the crowd.

Two volleys were fired, the first harmless, the second resulting in the deaths of two of the striking miners.

Strangely, the shootings seem to have been little reported at first, and treated more as a minor detail by the London press, although the local press in Yorkshire reported the shootings.

Demonstrations in solidarity with the victims were held all across the Yorkshire coal field and as far way as Glasgow.

Times had changed and the government responded by convening a public enquiry into the shootings to try and defuse things.

The enquiry claimed that all procedures had been followed correctly, including the reading of the Riot Act and the warnings issued to the strikers. The army officer responsible for issuing an order to fire was exonerated as he was only ‘doing his duty’, but in a tacit admission that things should not have turned out that way, the government offered compensation to the families of the victims.

It’s worth remembering that while women had won the right to vote in New Zealand in 1893, in England there was still a property qualification that effectively denied most working men the right to vote – most poorer families rented their houses for six or seven pounds a year and hence did not qualify as either they did not own their own homes or pay more than ten pounds a year in rent, and as for women, a limited right to vote was thirty years in the future.

This means that the miners really did not have anyone other than the trade unions to support them and that the whole system was weighted against them.

The enquiry seems to have been enough to calm matters, especially as the coal strike was settled in the mean time and the miners had gone back to work.

It wasn’t quite the end of it though, the miners of Featherstone came out on strike again in January 1894 on being denied a day’s holiday on New Year’s Day.

This time the mine owners caved in and settled the dispute in the miners’ favour.

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Tea and the English Class System

Three Victorian Ladies drinking tea – public domain

Recently, I’ve been reading Sam Llewellyn’s Shadow in the Sands (ignore Amazon’s silly pricing – second hand copies are available for a few dollars).

The novel is positioned as a sequel to Erskine Childers’ Riddle of the Sands – one of my favourite books – and for that reason I would normally avoid Llewellyn’s book for fear of spoiling my affection for Childers’ book, but this would be a mistake.

The book’s well written, and while it cleverly links to Childers’ book with some characters in common it can be read as a stand alone novel if you are so inclined.

It’s also very good on its portrayal of the class divides of English society at the end of the long nineteenth century.

And this leads us to tea drinking.

There’s a scene in which Dacre – upper class officer type, and nasty with it – when served a mug of tea asks ‘Don’t you have any china?’ to which the reply comes ‘It is sir, didn’t I boil it enough?’

And this neatly encapsulates the class divide around tea in nineteenth century Britain.

I hadn’t really thought about this before, but the middle and upper classes preferred quality tea, Ceylon or Assam, which was drunk black or with lemon to let them concentrate on the flavour of the tea. (Strangely, when I was in Sri Lanka, ten or more years ago, I had a dickens of a job persuading waiters in cafes that I wanted a weaker black tea without milk, and even then it was still pretty strong.)

Tea was expensive, and so when working class people bought tea, to be drunk as an alternative to beer with a meal, they bought the cheapest black tea going and steeped it in hot water as long as possible to get a strong black brew to which they added milk and sugar – a bit like what we call ‘Builder’s Tea’ today.

And so, how you liked your tea said something about your social class.

Of course, it’s not a universal rule, my father, despite coming from a family of tenant farmers, but who had lived in India and Malaysia, preferred his tea black, or with a slice of lemon, while my mother preferred hers with milk and sugar.

(Personally, I prefer my tea weak and black – English Breakfast in the morning, Russian Caravan in the afternoon, while J will only drink lemon scented or Earl Grey, again weak and black. I’m not sure what that says about us…)

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The Panjdeh crisis and Australia

As I’ve written before there was a major panic in 1885 that, on the back of the Panjdeh incident, there might be war between Britain and Russia, including the chance of an attack on the east coast of Australia by the Russian pacific fleet.

To add to the general feeling of unsettlement, there were fears about the impact of the German colonisation of New Guinea, fears that led Queensland in 1883 to attempt to colonise Papua as a bulwark against further German expansion on behalf of the British Empire, only to be roundly told off by the government in London that colonies could not establish colonies, and more interestingly, that colonisation might be met with some resistance by the indigenous population. [UK Hansard April 1883 :: Courier Brisbane June 1883]

However, by the middle of the year the panic had largely subsided, although in June a visitor to Cooktown was mistaken as a Russian spy, and detained before being released by the local magistrate.

After then seems to have ceased to panic about spies and invasion and returned to more prosaic concerns such as the sale of under strength rum…

Riverine Herald Echuca November 1885

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Iron 2 heller

A few weeks ago I wrote about how both Imperial Germany and Austria Hungary replaced their small change during world war one with coins made of base metals such as iron as the as the metal from the original coins was needed for the war effort.

At the time I only had examples from Germany and the Hungarian half of the AustriaHungary.

Since then I’ve acquired this example of a 2 Heller Austrian coin

Note the complete lack of any inscription other than the value and the date.

Unlike the Hungarian part of the empire, in the German speaking part of the empire there was a recognition that not everyone spoke German, and hence the low value coins simply carried the imperial eagle on one side and the value and date of issue on the reverse.

Higher value coins such as 1krone coins usually carried the value on the reverse and the emperor’s image and titles (in Latin in the German half of the empire, after all no one spoke Latin, and in Hungarian in Hungarian portion of the empire).

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