Eating Rabbit

Truth be told I’m a little squeamish about eating rabbit.  No matter how well disguised I have a definite withdrawal response about it.

Totally irrational, I know. I put it down to being told that skinned, deheaded, defooted and detailed a cat looks very like a rabbit when you see it on a butcher’s slab.

And that was just a little irrational kink of mine until J came across this story that in Italy, immediately after the second world war, butchers used to leave one foot, with the fur on, on rabbits that they sold dressed ready for cooking – just to show that they really were rabbit and not cat …

 

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The Kindle …

What seems a long time ago I bought myself an e-reader, and I’ve used successfully over the last two or so years with books from Project Gutenberg and with books bought through Borders (when they existed) and BookDepository (when they sold e-books).

I’ve no complaints about the Cool-er, it works well, it’s reliable, and it’s a shame that the parent company went west a year or so ago. In fact I expect to continue to use it for some of my more technical reading due to its use of epub as a native format and one in which quite a few technical books are beginning to appear.

The Cool-er also gave me a chance to teach myself about epub, which definitely has been a valuable experience.

So why the Kindle?

I’ve simply just reached the point when it makes sense to buy ebooks over paperbacks when possible, and of all the retailers out there I’m afraid the only one left standing in Amazon – no one else has as easy to use, or as effective or comprehensive e-book distribution platform.

Technically, other that the fact that the Kindle has wi-fi for book download and the Cool-er had an SD card slot to let you download books to a computer and then transfer them to the Cool-er – an excellent solution for Project Gutenberg books, there’s almost no difference in the capability of the devices. Both have e-ink 6″ screens and 2GB internal storage, and similarly long  battery life.

It’s simply market share and market access. Amazon has it and the others don’t.

simple as that ….

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The dream of 1917 …

The revolution of November 7, 1917, in Petrograd was more than just a revolution. It was a world shaking event bring in its wake numerous insurrections in the wreck of the old Europe and even as far away as Patagonia where agricultural workers staged their own abortive rising.
 
At the same time you see the demobbed soldiery of the first world war armies becoming mutinous and rebelllious with the remarkable event of British conscripts forming a soldier’s council in Leatherhead. And even though the forces deployed to Russia may not have been quite so disaffected some of the soldiers were definitely mutinous.
 
And not just the British, the Canadians had similar problems with the soldiers deployed to Vladivostok.
 
At the same time the various governments left standing at the end of the first world war were terrified that the contagion of revolution was going to spread and overwhelm them. Having seen the old order deposed once they were frightened that their own populace might try and repeat the experiment.
 
And this was not an idle fear. In Germany, in Hungary, something very close to a socialist insurrection happened.
 
In other places the establishment took precautions.
 
In Scotland there was of course the events of January 1919 when the British government put tanks of the streets of Glasgow and disarmed the Scottish regiments in case they should find common cause with the workers.
 
The impact of this event was reflected in literature, for example in Lewis Grassic Gibbon’s Cloud Howe when the demobbed soldiers unfurl the Red Flag at the war memorial dedication to the outrage of the middle class people staging a polite middle class event.
 
The revolution in Russia was an inspirational event. My mother used to recount that one of her earliest memories was being held up at the window of their flat to see men in working clothes carrying red flags marching down the road and her father telling her that this was the future, despite the fact that, as the owner of a small tailor’s shop he probably wouldn’t have normally been first in line to support revolution and expropriation.
 
So, when we look at the history of Russian civil war we should remember that show trials, the forced labour camps, the expropriations hadn’t happened yet. People were still excited by the change and the prospect of a more equal society.
 
And this is in part why the white forces lost. Even the Menshevik/SR forces couln’t offer anything quite as eniticing as the Bolsheviks. And when Kolchak began to forcibly return things to as they were before the revolution a large part of the civil population became seriouly disaffected.
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Britain and Russia in 1919 – how not to intervene

Having read Bruce Lockhart’s autobiography I’m now about halfway through Clifford Kinvig’s military history of the British intervention in post 1917 Russia.

It’s a sorry tale of how what started as an effort to stiffen the Kerensky government’s resolve to continue Russia’s participation in the first world war morphed from a straightforward military assistance mission into a badly thought out and under resourced effort to support the White forces in the post revolutionary civil war, principally Denikin in the south and the pro-SR pro-Menshevik government in Archangel.

While Britain did lend support to the provisional government in Omsk and to Kolchak after his coup support was on a much smaller scale, and essentially confined to military and political advisers. The Americans, Canadians, and of course the Japanese were much more involved as they had easier geographic access to Vladivostok, which was the only way of sending supplies to the Omsk government.

One of the other themes to emerge is the mutinous state of some of the British soldiers – war weary and expecting to be demobbed they were less than charmed to be shipped off to somewhere far away, hostile, and in the case Archangel, cold. Ben Isitt details similar rebelliousness on the part of the Canadian forces in the east.

The other real themes are that the British never really reached an internal consensus as to why they were in Russia and what they hoped to accomplish

Initially it was to stop valuable supplies falling into the hands of the German forces after the treaty of Brest Litovsk. Somewhere it turned into first protecting these supplies from the Bolshevik government and then into something more than tacitly supporting the White forces.

Supporting the White forces was in itself problematical as there was no coherent opposition – Russia had fractured into a set of polities and armies with changing allegiances. Of the opposition, the Omsk government looked the most plausible but even then they lacked a coherent plan. Bernard Pares, who was attached to the British mission to the Omsk government was more than a little scathing about their organisational abilities, or their ability to cope with the new realities

The incoherence of the opposition is what of course allowed the Bolsehvik government to prevail – not only did it control the two largest cities, and consequently industrial centres, they managed to build an army, hold on to a degree of popular support, and manage to pick off the opposing polities one by one.

Trotsky once said that during the revolution power fell into the streets. The Bolshevik achievement was putting an end to the chaos.

There are implications for the wars and civil wars of our time. In Afghanistan we see a government ridden by factionalism, unable to maintain order and reliant on foreign forces for its existence. In the Middle East we see governments unable to govern and opposition factions unable to maintain even a facade of unity.

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Bruce Lockhart and his life in Moscow

I’ve just finished reading Bruce Lockhart’s autobiography.

It’s a moderately entertaining read, but it is remarkable for what it doesn’t say. As a witness to great events as the unofficial British representative in Moscow during 1918 he was uniquely placed to report on the machinations around the conclusion of the treaty of Brest-Litovsk, the reaction to the murder of the tsar and his family, and the allied intervention.

And yet there is almost nothing.

Instead a self portrait of a slightly bumptious individual emerges, eager to justify his importance by saying who he met rather than what he discussed.

One imagines that his official reports back to London had rather more detail. Lockhart obviously felt himself bound by official secrecy when he wrote his autobiography.

What is interesting is the description of the first days of the Bolshevik government and its initial incoherent and chaotic nature, and his conclusion that compared to everyone else, it was the Bolshevik government that was most likely to win out, as they had at least half a plan, compared to the SR or any of the ‘white’ opposition groups – something at variance with the opinions of his lords and masters in London….

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Remyo and Maymyo

As part of the colonial history theme I’ve been reading Barbara Crossette’s ‘Great Hill Stations of Asia’.

Like me, she has been charmed by Beth Ellis’s An English Girl’s First Impressions of Burmah… and was equally puzzled about Beth’s referring to Maymyo as Remyo.

One other interesting little snippet was that the lake at Maymyo was dug by Turkish prisoners of war during World War One – something that at first seems surreal, but actually has a bizarre logic to it.

The Mesopotamian campaign was run by the British colonial command in India, not from Whitehall, using in the main Indian troops. So of course, when they had a large number of prisoners their natural inclination ws to ship them off to a prison camp in India, rather than Egypt or the Sudan. And Burma was of course governed as part of British India …

What the Turks made of being shipped to upcountry Burma is anyone’s guess …

It wasn’t just the Mesopotamian Campaign. Much of Britains involvement in the Gulf was run from India in colonial times with the Trucial States – the precursor to today’s UAE – initially being governed from Delhi and using Indian rupees as currency, as did the early British settlements in Kenya – purely because it was geographically convenient.

One also sees the converse today, with the US using vraious of the Gulf States as staging posts for shipping troops to Afghanistan and with the Taliban opening an office in Qatar as a precursor to possible peace talks …

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The lost digital decades

I came across this little snippet this morning:

For a BBC program in 1954, Sir Mortimer Wheeler tasted a reconstruction of the Tollund Man’s last supper, which turned out to be a tasteless mush. This led him to announce: “I believe that the poor chap of Tollund committed suicide because he could stand his wife’s cooking no longer!”

having once had girlfriend who was pursuing a PhD in Ethnobotany, and more to the point liked to experiment with what we’ll call exotic food plants I could only sympathise with Sir Mortimer.

Let’s just say that the traditional Inca potatoes were a fun addition to dinner but that ground-elder must have been a significant contribution to the end of the western Roman empire – a tasteless chewy spinach like green gluck.

However it did get me thinking about mental experimentation, the art of trying to think yourself as living at another time or in another culture – and what it means for digital preservation.

The obvious use for mental experimentation is in historical fiction. The past is a different country, where not only do they do things differently but also one we can never visit. We can guess, we can re-enact, we can experiment, but we can never visit.

We can read the literature of the time but we can never quite put ourselves in the same place as someone who lived at the time, no matter how much barley mush and ground elder we eat.

The reason for this is disruptive change. I’ve written previously about how life the Victorian era was quite different from life fifty years previously, due to the disruptive changes caused by large scale industrialisation and the impact of steam ships, railways, the penny post in changing the nature of communication.

So it s with our own time. The postal service is dying, communication is via the internet and more and more our life is going digital. We may not realise it but we are living through a period of disruptive change much as the Victorians did. Because we now do things differently. Our workflows may still be the same but techologies used have changed immeasurably.

And that creates a discontinuity.

There are those who can remember how things were and those who can’t because they were never there.

For example, I can remember pounds shillings and pence, eight inch floppy disks, steam trains, punched cards. I remember Wordstar. I even taught it. I remember when international calls were shockingly expensive and the fax machine was the latest in cutting edge communications technology. I even remember thinking Modula-2 was cool.

No one under thirty five will remember such things. And indeed why should they.

But this does create an interesting problem for writing history (or indeed historical fiction). Before 1980 most documents were either handwritten or typescript, and most books were printed. Despite all the changes and disruptions of the twentieth century the world worked more or less the same in 1960 as it did in 1880. Governments may have changed, empires disappeared but the mechanics of daily life were similar, which made the interpretation of documents simpler as we were operating on the same set of assumptions. It also means that we can read them.

To explain the importance of shared assumptions take this example:

Australian post boxes are red because once all post boxes in the British Empire were red. In Laos, despite the Indochinese wars and nearly forty years of the People’s Democratic Republic they’re blue. Because once all post boxes in France and the French colonies were blue, even though now in France they are yellow. Thus if some one talks about ‘putting something in the big red box’ you know they mean posting a letter if they’re in Australia or the UK. If you were in Laos it might mean something completely different.

Today, documents are almost universally written using Word, and are either emailed or come on a USB stick. We have an expectation that we can read any recent document. And if they aren’t AbiWord or Open/Libre Office can open them. In other words we can probably recover documents written in the last few years, or if we can’t we can use OCR to recover the text from a scanned version.

However, that’s not the case with legacy data.

I was recently trying to recover some data from the 1990’s. The data was tables of numbers and the documentation that described which column contained what was written in TeX.

Fortunately, someone had had the sense to copy everything to CD sometime around the end of the nineties so recovering the information was a simple matter of installing OzTeX and generating a PDF. And we could read it because the media was a type that was still in common use and hadn’t changed during the intervening decade and a half.

If it was still on an IoMega Zip drive it could have been a problem. Same is true of the box of floppy disks we all have in our garages. Or indeed the three inch Amstrad disk cartridges from the late eighties. The media could well still be readable, but with what?

The reason being that in the eighties and nineties we had a period of disruptive chaotic change during the widespread adoption of information technology.

Wordprocessing applications came and went. First it was Wordstar, then WordPerfect and finally Word, with AmiPro getting in on the act. Media formats equally changed. Single sided to double sided, from eight inch through five and a quarter to three and a half inch disks. Macs of course used an 800k rather than 720k format etc etc.

For example, in the mid eighties I project managed a number of small ecological surveys, that would give species abundance data for then. At the time we were concerned with the impact of acid rain and what it might have done to the relative abundance of various species compared to earlier surveys stretching back to the nineteenth century.

Nowadays we are more interested in global warming than acid rain, but the data collected in the nineteen eighties would still be valuable. Except we took the survey sheets and typed the species data into a set of flat data files on a CP/M based machine. We did upload the files to a Vax for statistical analysis but we deleted them to save space, keeping the primary files stayed on a set of five and a quarter inch disks. I have no idea if the disks still exist.

The implication is that documents written and data collected during these decades will be difficult to recover even if we have the original files and media. And as such we have lost part of the story of how we got from there to here …

 

 

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Lenin had a Dublin accent ??

I was idly surfing the web the other day and I came across a report in the Irish Times where the Prime Minister admitted erroneously claiming that Lenin had visited Ireland in the company of Michael Collins.

Lenin of course did no such thing. The thing which interested me was the claim that Lenin spoke English with a ‘Rathmines accent’.

Nothing wrong with that. Just unexpected. Following his long exile in Switzerland I would have expected his English to be German accented if anything. However the idea of Lenin speaking with a Dublin accent has clearly intrigued others as this excellent and well researched post shows.

It is of course, not impossible that Lenin had an Irish accent. What’s intriguing is that if it’s so no one seems to have mentioned it. For example, Arthur Ransome recounts a number of conversations with Lenin in 1919, but doesn’t mention his accent ( or indeed what language they spoke together) …

 

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Envelopes …

Have you ever tried to buy envelopes recently?

It’s a lot harder than you would expect. I’ve written before about the death of the letter, but this took me by surprise. I needed to but some plain envelopes. Most times if I need to send a letter I just use one of the prepaid ones you can get from the post office in packs of ten – I write so few letters these days that a pack of ten lasts me at least a couple of years.

However, this time I needed a plain envelope. An ordinary plain letter sized envelope. The sort you used to be able to buy just about anywhere. Nothing special about it.

So I went to the campus stationery store. Nope. None to be had.

Time was when they carried a choice, letters home to mum, letters to girlfriends and boyfriends, letters overseas, letters applying for jobs, scholarships and the like. Not any more. Mum’s on Facebook, and skype and IM are just so much more immediate …

The post office of course only sold prepaid ones, but could sell me lots of padded bags to send things to people. No plain envelopes. No market for them.

The conclusion is that people no longer write letters – or when they do its to send something which can’t be emailed and that that’s a pretty rare event ….

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Colonial population sizes

As I’ve said before, one of the defining features of the British colonies in South East Asia was their small population size compared to the local population. For example in 1911 the European population of KL was under a 1000 while the combined Malay and Chinese population was in excess of 50,000 – and that was the colonial capital where you would expect a concentration of the colonial population.

So how small was small?

Well, as with so many things Wikipedia is your friend if a trifle imperfectly.

  • Asia
    • Myanmar 0.1% – may have been higher in 1948
    • Malaysia 0.2% – may have been higher in 1956
    • Singapore 1.3%
  • Africa
    • Kenya 0.7% – at independence in 1963
    • Rhodesia 5.4% during UDI
    • South Africa 9% – current estimate

The trend is quite clear – the former British colonies in Asia have (and probably had) tiny whilte populations while those in Southern Africa were larger.

The interesting one is of course Kenya. Given its history one might have expected it to be more like Rhodesia, but no, the white population was never much more than 60,000, but this was with a backdrop of an increasing and land hungry indigenous population.

The other thing as we’ve seen before, is that the small size of the population met that the same people were continually flung together, and so might explain some of the excesses of the white population in Kenya in colonial times.

Rhodesia and South Africa were the only ones to have a significant (and urban) white minority, making them much more than just a gaggle of farmers, administrators and hangers on, and who could either be bought out, as in Kenya, or who (mostly) had no stake in the country as was the case with the populations of the Asian colonies.

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